By HRF Senior Policy Officer, Mohamed Keita
Following RussiaтАЩs invasion of Ukraine, the Kremlin directed efforts to foster public and diplomatic support for its actions across Africa. Because of historical Soviet ties, growing public cynicism about democracy, and MoscowтАЩs rising influence in the region, there was little to no public condemnation of RussiaтАЩs violation of international law. Notwithstanding, a few African voices emerged to champion solidarity with Ukraine in its struggle to defend its democracy and freedom.
Three weeks before Vladimir Putin launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Russia and China issued a joint statement outlining their vision for a new world order. The manifesto castigated the worldтАЩs тАЬpower politics, bullying, [and] unilateral sanctionsтАЭ and denounced тАЬcertain States, military and political alliances and coalitionsтАЭ for fueling confrontation and seeking тАЬunilateral military advantagesтАЭ over other states. Simultaneously, it called on countries to тАЬchampion such universal human values as peace, development, equality, justice, democracy, and freedomтАЭ and to тАЬrespect the rights of peoples to independently determine the development paths of their countries and their sovereignty.тАЭ
PutinтАЩs invasion of Ukraine underscored the hypocrisy of their rhetoric, yet many African governments тАФ including some of the continentтАЩs democracies such as South Africa and Namibia тАФ refused to condemn the invasion. This played out most dramatically at the United Nations.
In March, 17 African countries abstained from voting on a United Nations resolution condemning the invasion; in October, 19 abstained on another vote on the KremlinтАЩs illegal annexation of four Ukrainian territories; and in November, 25 abstained on a vote calling for Russia to pay damages to Ukraine.
RussiaтАЩs blockade of UkraineтАЩs ports was a particularly sensitive issue for African governments as it left tons of food and agricultural goods destined for the continent in limbo, prompting supply disruptions, shortages, and soaring prices. While Western countries accused Russia of stealing the grain and weaponizing food, PutinтАЩs authoritarian regime blamed Western sanctions and Ukraine.
Hardly any African nation pointed a finger at the real culprit: Moscow.
In July, Russian foreign minister Sergei Lavrov visited Egypt, the Republic of Congo, Uganda, and Ethiopia. In each countryтАЩs state newspaper, Lavrov published the same columnthanking Africa for its refusal to yield to Western pressure and condemn Russia.
The Kremlin even received praise and endorsement from influential figures in the region. South African opposition leader, Julius Malema, for example, urged Russia тАЬto teach a lessonтАЩ to the West.тАЭ General Muhoozi Kainerugaba, the son of UgandaтАЩs dictator Yoweri Museveni, tweeted, тАЬPutin is absolutely right!тАЭ in blaming NATO for the war. тАЬUkraine is full of neo-nazis,тАЭ tweeted Pan-African political activist Nathalie Yamb. In Egypt, pro-regime journalist Amr Adib voiced that PutinтАЩs actions were justified.
Pro-Kremlin media outlets such as the Cameroon-based Afrique M├йdia and Russian state media agencies broadcasting into the region amplified these views.
Support for Russia also manifested offline. In April, volunteers seeking to fight for Russia in Ukraine queued up outside the Russian embassy in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Pro-Kremlin groups in Mali, Burkina Faso, Senegal, and the Central African Republic (CAR) also staged public demonstrations in support of Putin.
тАЬPutinтАЩs popularity is at an outstandingly irrational and possibly dangerous high in Africa,тАЭ wrote Tafi Mhaka, a columnist who often comments on human rights and democracy in the region. тАЬDespite the illegality and brutality of RussiaтАЩs invasion of Ukraine, for example, PutinтАЩs name adorns long-distance buses in Zimbabwe.тАЭ
Few champions of solidarity, however, spoke out against the KremlinтАЩs invasion and in support of democracy and human rights.
As Russian forces launched their attack, GhanaтАЩs foreign minister, Shirley Ayorkor Botchwey, and the West African bloc, Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), issued a rare condemnation.
At the UN Security Council, KenyaтАЩs UN ambassador, Martin Kimani, became the lone African voice of public denunciation. тАЬThe Charter of the United Nations continues to wilt under the relentless assault of the powerful,тАЭ he said. тАЬIn one moment, it is invoked with reverence by the very same countries who then turn their backs on it in pursuit of objectives diametrically opposed to international peace and security.тАЭ The only more forceful rebuke came from Mhaka, who, in several columns called out Russia and ChinaтАЩs despotic world order, condemned тАЬuncritical acceptance of Russian narrativesтАЭ and urged African leaders not to тАЬwhitewash RussiaтАЩs aggression under the facade of impartiality.тАЭ
In October, African diplomatic pushback came from an unlikely source: the foreign minister of Madagascar, Richard Randriamandrato, whose government is very friendly with Russia. Breaking with his administration, Randriamandrato voted in support of the UN resolution condemning the KremlinтАЩs unlawful Ukrainian war. Illustrating RussiaтАЩs influence on the Malagasy government, Randriamandrato was fired immediately.
Street protests against the invasion were rare. And yet, in Sudan, pro-democracy demonstrations against the countryтАЩs military regime expressed solidarity with Ukraine.Small groups demonstrated in Kenya and South Africa, where the Ukrainian Association of South Africa partnered with the Desmond and Leah Tutu Legacy Foundation to curate an art exhibition about the effects of the war on women and children.
Celebrities across Africa were largely silent about the war, with a few notable exceptions. Nigerian playwright Wole Soyinka and Liberian activist Leymah Gbowee joined 163 other Nobel laureates in co-signing an open letter in The Economist condemning RussiaтАЩs aggression. Nigerian-American musician Davido posted a message urging his fans to pray for Ukraine, and Ugandan pop singer Bobi Wine and Ivorian musician and activist Tiken Jah Fakoly publicly condemned Russia on social media.
In addition, Wine, a leader of UgandaтАЩs pro-democracy movement, co-authored a columnwith Tanzanian opposition leader Zitto Kabwe, former Zimbabwean finance minister Tendai Biti, and South African author Greg Mills, calling for African democrats to тАЬclose ranks with Ukraine.тАЭ He also visited Ukraine and recorded two solidarity songs with the Ukrainian band String Mockingbird: Alone But Altogether and Brothers In Freedom.
Another meaningful example of solidarity came from Congolese surgeon and Nobel laureate Dr. Denis Mukwege whose foundation campaigns globally for holistic care and justice for victims of sexual violence in conflict. Since RussiaтАЩs annexation of Donbas and Crimea, the Mukwege Foundation had already been helping Ukrainian civil society setup advocacy and support groups for victims of sexual violence from those wars. Amid fresh allegationsof conflict-related sexual violence in Ukraine, the Mukwege Foundation continued to offer assistance to ensure holistic care and reparations for Ukrainian victims.
One important missing link in this chain of solidarity is the late George Ayittey, professor, author, founder of the Free Africa Foundation, and founding member of HRFтАЩs international council. As a public intellectual, champion of democracy and free markets and fierce critic of dictatorships, Ayittey previously warned against тАЬRussian machinationsтАЭ in Africa but also emphasized the power of international solidarity against authoritarians such as Vladimir Putin.
In 2022, while there were several shows of support for Russia, a few brave African individuals showed that the struggle for freedom is united across regions. We must build on this lesson in 2023: champion solidarity as the greatest antidote to authoritarianism. Only in solidarity will the struggle for democracy and freedom thrive.