7,095,280 people
Source: Tyranny Tracker
HRF classifies Paraguay as democratic.
Paraguay transitioned to democracy after the fall of General Alfredo Stroessner’s military dictatorship in 1989, ending 35 years of authoritarian rule. Stroessner’s ousting marked the beginning of a democratization process and set the stage for the adoption of a new democratic constitution in 1992, which established the separation of powers, civil liberties, and electoral rights. However, residual effects of centralized rule from the military dictatorship linger in the form of deeply rooted patronage networks, a highly politicized judiciary, and the continued dominance of the Colorado Party, which has governed almost uninterruptedly since the transition. Although Paraguay has experienced regular elections and peaceful transfers of power, governance remains marked by institutional fragility, elite factionalism, and recurring concerns about corruption and undue influence over public institutions. Non-state actors like narcotrafficking and organized crime groups operate in the country. While they do not exercise full territorial control in the areas where they are present, they have managed to influence the judiciary through corruption and intimidation, securing impunity in key cases.
National elections in Paraguay are largely free and fair. The country’s political landscape has traditionally been dominated by a two-party system, centered around the Republican National Association (ANR) and the Authentic Radical Liberal Party (PLRA) — known as the Colorado Party and the Liberal Party, respectively. The Colorado Party has held power for all but five years of the past seven decades, including throughout the Stroessner dictatorship, while the PLRA has served as the main opposition force. Despite the emergence of smaller parties and coalitions in recent decades, including leftist and anti-systemic movements, national politics remains largely shaped by the competition and shifting alliances between these two historic parties, often reinforced by patronage networks and internal factionalism rather than ideological divisions. There is no presidential reelection in Paraguay.
Independent media, political leaders, civil society leaders, organizations, and members of the general public are largely free to criticize or challenge the government, despite some localized pressures or moments of institutional overreach. While the government has occasionally resorted to legalistic tactics to pressure independent media and critics — such as defamation lawsuits or misusing anti-discrimination laws — these actions are sporadic rather than systemic, and have not led to a broad suppression of free expression. Media concentration and political influence over some outlets do limit pluralism, but critical voices remain visible and active in the public sphere.
Institutions are somewhat independent but frequently constrained by the government. Impunity in Paraguay is widespread, and cases challenging political figures with ties to the government or organized crime are frequently dismissed. The Colorado Party holds a majority in both legislative chambers and, therefore, influences appointments in the judiciary and other accountability institutions, such as the Public Prosecutor’s Office, the Council of the Magistracy, responsible for nominating judicial candidates, and the Jury for the Prosecution of Magistrates (JEM), which oversees the discipline of judges, with the power to remove them. In practice, a mix of loyalists in key posts, manipulation of procedures, and selective enforcement of rules ensures that cases against figures with strong political ties are neutralized.
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