53,936,200 people
Source: Tyranny Tracker
HRF classifies Colombia as democratic.
Colombia’s recent history has been shaped by a prolonged armed conflict between the state and insurgent groups. For decades, violent confrontations have occurred between government security forces, paramilitary structures such as the Gaitanist Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AGC), also known as the Clan del Golfo, and insurgent organizations, including the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the National Liberation Army (ELN). Although the 2016 peace agreement led to the demobilization of most FARC combatants, dissident factions remain active, and violence linked to armed groups and illicit economies has persisted or intensified in several regions in recent years. Colombia’s mountainous terrain and historically limited state presence in remote rural areas have allowed armed groups to establish territorial strongholds, particularly in regions tied to drug trafficking, illegal mining, and other illicit economies. In some local and regional contexts, these groups have exercised coercive influence over political and economic life. Despite persistent security challenges and uneven state control, Colombia has maintained competitive national elections, peaceful transfers of power, and a functioning constitutional order for decades. In 2002, President Álvaro Uribe intensified military operations against insurgent groups, marking a hardline security phase that reduced the territorial capacity of several guerrilla organizations but was also associated with serious human rights violations, including the “false positives” scandal involving extrajudicial killings by members of the security forces. His successor, Juan Manuel Santos, negotiated the 2016 Peace Accords with the FARC, leading to the demobilization of most of its fighters and its transition into a political party. However, dissident factions and other armed groups, including the ELN and the AGC, continued to compete for territorial control and illicit revenues. In 2022, President Gustavo Petro was elected on a “Total Peace” platform aimed at negotiating with remaining armed groups and implementing the 2016 accord. While his administration pursued ceasefires and dialogue, violence linked to territorial disputes and illicit economies remained elevated in 2025, particularly in rural and border areas.
National elections in Colombia are largely free and fair. However, longstanding challenges linked to electoral violence and vote-buying continue to impact elections in the country. Nonetheless, elections are competitive. Within Colombia’s multiparty system, the mainstream political parties regularly compete for the presidency and seats in the bicameral Congress. Smaller parties can also compete and win a small number of legislative seats. Colombia’s primary electoral body, the National Electoral Council (CNE), effectively manages elections but suffers from politicization. The CNE is also somewhat limited in its ability to oversee campaign finance and detect electoral irregularities, even as some improvements to its operational independence and technical capacities have been achieved. The Colombian government also regularly invites independent electoral observers and experts to provide additional oversight of national elections.
Independent media, political leaders, civil society leaders, organizations, and regular people in Colombia are generally able to openly criticize or challenge the government. However, Colombia remains one of the region’s most dangerous countries for journalists, civil society leaders, and activists. Failures in the justice system allow perpetrators to commit crimes against civil society under anonymity and with impunity. Nonetheless, independent dissenting organizations are able to operate in the country. There is no evidence that the government systematically targets and obstructs the work of critics. The right to peacefully assemble and protest is guaranteed by the Colombian Constitution and generally upheld by the government. However, incidents of disproportionate use of force and police violence against protesters do occur.
Institutions are independent and serve as a check on the government. Oversight institutions and courts are able to act and issue decisions that are unfavorable to the party in power. They are also able to check attempts to concentrate power in the executive. Moreover, the independence of the courts serves to mostly uphold Colombia’s electoral integrity and the rights of dissidents. However, procedural delays and operational complexity can hinder Colombian institutions’ ability to act effectively.
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